From Subculture to Hegemony: Transversal Strategies of the New Right in Neofolk and Martial Industrial

The article below was originally published in Datacide Magazine and discusses how fascist neofolk operates and how it went under the radar for years.  It builds a compelling case for why we should be more vigilant in response to fascist neofolk, and why we need a counter-culture of our own.

Neo-Folk and Martial Industrial are two sub-categories of Industrial Music, which developed in the 1980’s. Industrial as such was a direction that – parallel to Punk Rock – worked with the latest electronics in order to create an aesthetic of futuristic noise machines of the late 20th century and research extreme zones of contemporary society and history. Throbbing Gristle already thematized concentration camps, serial killers, Aleister Crowley etc by using cut-up techniques of William S. Burroughs and Brion Gysin and thus with strategies of liberation from brain washing. Similarly, Cabaret Voltaire were said to wage a “propaganda war against the propaganda war” (Industrial Culture Handbook). With SPK this was combined with a critique of Psychiatry and a presentation of extremes of the body and death. In the 80’s there were agitational and critical bands such as Test Dept., Nocturnal Emissions and Bourbonese Qualk which were often associated with the ever broadening spectrum of “Industrial”. However, with Laibach the critique of totalitarianism became more ambivalent. This ambivalence was at first seemingly shared by Death In June, the band that in many ways was at the origin of what is now considered Neo-Folk and Martial Industrial.

Death In June has already been the subject of an article in datacide by Stewart Home.
Although the band’s name derives from the “night of the long knives” when the SA leadership and other elements in German fascism were liquidated by Hitler and the SS in June 1934, DIJ’s left wing origins as well as their collaboration with a number of musicians not suspected to have far right leanings seemed to suggest to followers of 80’s industrial that their use of fascist imagery had some sort of critical element to it. There was a romantic and fetishistic element to it and and when Tony Wakeford was sacked from the band (supposedly) for his membership in the National Front it seemed to show that indeed they were rejecting politics and their use of fascist themes and imagery was on the level of aesthetic provocation.

In the course of the late 80’s and throughout the 90’s a number of other bands flocked to the use of this strategy creating a small sub-culture heavy with far right symbolisms and content, sometimes more, sometimes less explicit and politically oriented. Although there is no doubt that this scene harbours a lot of entirely “unpolitical” elements, there are definite personal connections to some elements of the organized far right who are trying to use a “metapolitical” strategy of intervention to fight their fascist kulturkampf.

Right wing sub-cultures are still mostly associated with White Power rock, Skinhead and Oi!-music. This has historical reasons. Central in this is the band Skrewdriver around Ian Stuart Donaldson. The first couple of 7”s and the first album came out on the pub/punk rock label Chiswick Records in 1977. Lack of success however made the band dissolve twice until they reformed again in 1982 and released a 12” on Last Resort’s Boot and Braces Records and then a couple of 7”s on the National Front’s White Noise Records. By now they had become the quintessential White Power band and played numerous “Rock Against Communism” festivals, the NF-answer to the much more popular Rock Against Racism festivals at the time. In 1987, Ian Stuart fell out with Patrick Harrington and Derek Holland of the White Noise Club, the National Front’s “musical” arm, and founded his own Blood & Honour network, in which he played a leading role until his death in a car accident in 1993.

Two things have to be stated in our context here:
1. The ludicrous paranoid race hate ramblings present in the lyrics of Skrewdriver and a host of other like-minded bands that joined them just didn’t lead them anywhere in terms of commercial success, which is something Stuart by his own admission wanted to achieve.
2. With that avenue barred, this scene didn’t and doesn’t have problems outing themselves as National Socialists. To present their political ideas they can do without references to obscure authors of the “conservative revolution” or völkish occultists, and are quite happy to chant their primitive slogans undiluted.
The same is true with “National Socialist Black Metal (NSBM), the openly neo-nazi section of the Black Metal scene and certain White Power Noise Bands. There seems to be a competition to pronounce the most inhuman, brutal and anti-Semitic messages. Song titles as “Die Juden sind unser Unglück”, “Systematische Judische Vernichtung” (Deathkey), “Sieg Heil Vaterland”, “Europa Erwache!” (Der Stürmer), “The Whitest Power”, “Blood Banner SS”, “Juda Verrecke” (Streicher) are quite common.

With Neo-Folk and other outgrowths of the Industrial scene this is different. A great importance is attached to avoid being easily associated with the brown swamp. Their attitude is intellectual and elitist with adoration for Ernst Jünger and Julius Evola not Hitler and Mussolini. Even with key figures who have undeniably been members of far right political groups (in Britain this is crystallized around the mid-80’s National Front and its “Political Soldier” faction), there is a surprising eagerness to distance themselves from allegations of “fascism”. This has a historical precedent in the French “Nouvelle Droite” (see appendix) who, motivated to get out of the neo-Nazi cul-de-sac, and on their march through the institutions, tried hard to avoid being tagged fascists while serving old wine in new bottles, or old ideology in new phraseology for to the present day.

Troy Southgate, head of the group HERR, seems particularly eager not to be branded a fascist despite his history as a wanderer from one group of the extreme right to the other (such as the National Front, the International Third Position, the English Nationalist Movement, the National Revolutionary Faction etc). Presumably this is a tactical move not to scare away potential recruits to his more recent “National Anarchist Movement”. With a list of his favorite authors including pre-cursors like Bakunin, Proudhon and Nietzsche, “classic” fascist and National-Bolshevik authors such as Julius Evola, the Strasser Brothers, Ernst Jünger, Martin Heidegger, Gabriele D’Annunzio, Ernst Niekisch, Arthur Moeller van den Bruck, Karl Haushofer, and finally more contemporary fascists and esoteric Hitlerists like Francis Parker Yockey, Miguel Serrano and Savitri Devi, one wonders why he pretends to be so allergic to the f-word. While this is not necessarily a homogenous bunch of authors, and most of them are not “Nazis” in the sense of toeing the line of the NSDAP, all of them (minus the 19th century pre-cursers) can reasonably be called fascist in the sense of using “fascism” as an umbrella term for tendencies including the conservative revolution, national bolshevism, the Hitler-Nazis to the various strains of the contemporary New Right.

Armin Mohler, a historian and speaker of the “conservative revolution” said: “Fascism for me, is when disappointed liberals and disappointed socialists come together for something new. Out of this emerges what is called conservative revolution.” He somewhat modifies this point in 1973/74: “Apart from a few extras from the ‘lunatic fringe’, no one was defining themselves as ‘fascist’ anymore.” He then tries to define what “fascist” means. He chooses a procedural method he terms the “physiognomic approach”: “In any case all attempts to understand fascism from its theoretical declarations, or (which is not the same) to reduce it to a theory, are doomed to fail (…) In this area of politics the relationship to the concept (Begriff) is just instrumental, indirect, retrospective. Preceding there is a decision for a gesture, a rhythm, in short: a style. This style can of course express itself in words – fascism is not mute, on the contrary. It loves words – but they are not there to communicate a logical context”, rather, according to Mohler, they lead “most of the time” to “random and arbitrary results”. “To summarize we can say that fascists can obviously easily accept discrepancies in theory, because their communication is happening in a shorter curve, exactly through ‘style’”. (Von Rechts gesehen, 181f.)
Mussolini declared in an almost more radical fashion: “Fascism is to the highest degree a relativist movement, because it never made the attempt to clothe its multi-layered and powerful mentality in a defined program. Its success lies rather in the fact that it has followed constantly changing individual inspirations (…) Us fascists have always expressed our complete indifference towards any theory…” Mohler (1920-2003) himself was increasingly openly calling himself a fascist towards the end of his life, while the younger “new right” adepts on the contrary try to utilize an ideological fog machine to obscure their positions.

While Southgate only more recently added a musical “career” to his CV, his former comrade in the NF, Tony Wakeford, has been involved with music longer than his involvement with far right politics. In fact, Wakeford did have roots in the far left scene as a member of the Socialist Workers Party when he was in the band Crisis (see Datacide 7). Douglas Pearce was simultaneously in the International Marxist Group, a competing Trotskyist group. Crisis was dissolved apparently out of disillusionment with the left, and Death In June was founded in 1981.

Shortly afterwards Tony Wakeford joined the National Front. The NF had been the most important party of British neo-fascism in the 1970’s. However, in the early 80’s it already was in a state of decline and internal factional disputes. There was soon a de facto split between the “Official NF” and the “Flag Group”. In control of the “Official NF” was the “Political Soldier” faction around Nick Griffin and Patrick Harrington, and it was with this latter faction that Wakeford was sympathizing. Supposedly Wakeford had to leave the band DIJ for this reason, although this seems strange, given that this was right at the point when the NF took a turn to Strasserism, the so-called “left wing” of National Socialism. Douglas Pearce himself said in 1992 that when “searching for a new political perspective we stumbled across nationalist Bolshevism (…) people like Gregor Strasser and Ernst Röhm, who were later known as the ‘second revolutionaries’”.
This is a position that would have been compatible with the “Political Soldiers” from the NF.

The question has to be inserted here: why wasn’t DIJ immediately recognized as a far right band by most people? There are different reasons for this. Their background was explicitly left, texts and imagery seemed to be ambivalent, one wanted to recognize not a glorification but also a critique, and when the band was singing the Horst Wessel Lied, it was seen as a provocation embedded in a historical collage. One could and should have been more critical, but songs like “Death of the West” were serving both “left” and “right”-wing anti-Western resentment. People like John Balance and David Tibet, who seemed unsuspicious, were playing on DIJ records and Douglas Pearce was working for a time in Rough Trade record shop, which was supposed to be politically correct – hadn’t they banned Whitehouse records for the fact the band shared the same address as the fascist League of St. George? And last but not least hadn’t Wakeford been sacked from the band for his involvement with the NF?

After leaving DIJ, Wakeford founded the band Above The Ruins with the bassist Gary Smith of No Remorse, which was an openly neo-nazi band similar to Skrewdriver both in terms of musical style and ideological direction. Above The Ruins released one album and became effectively the first line-up of the new band Sol Invictus, in which Wakeford is still active. Sol Invictus first album was called “Against The Modern World” in homage to Julius Evola, on which Smith still played bass, and was joined by Ian Read and Liz Gray. Wakeford has denied this connection for many years, although there was a re-release of the album in 1996 which was also sold through the Sol Invictus mail order. Above the Ruins featured on a National Front benefit sampler called “No Surrender” alongside the likes of Skrewdriver on the Rock-o-Rama label, who have as recently as 2008 released a track by No Remorse on a 30 years anniversary compilation. Interesting detail: The track “Waiting” had not previously been released on Rock-o-Rama, but was on the “Songs of the Wolf” album. This album, released originally on cassette tape in 1984, then on vinyl in 1986, had already reaped praise in Scorpion magazine from Michael Walker, who is another figure of the British New Right as former NF member.

What is certain is that Wakeford makes some sort of effort at damage control concerning his involvements with the far right. His strategy seems to be to make flimsy disclaimers and otherwise deny everything (see his “Message from Tony” on his website). The legend that he was only briefly involved with far right politics in ca. 1984 doesn’t hold up. His involvement with the NF went back at least two years during which he was a member of DIJ. Wakeford has had many personal involvements with important figures of the far right till at least 1999 when Richard Lawson was best man at his wedding, which also include figures like Patrick Harrington and National Socialist Movement leader Tony Williams. We already encountered Patrick Harrington as one of the organizers of the White Noise Club in the mid 80’s, and he was also a part of the Political Soldier faction of the NF. When this faction split at the end of the decade (leaving the small rump of the NF to the “Flag” group), it produced the International Third Position (Griffin, Holland) and the “Third Way” (Harrington), which is posing as a “think tank” rather than a political group. Harrington remains a confidant of Griffin as the chairman of the fake trade union Solidarity, which is essentially a BNP front. Wakeford was good friends with Harrington and Tony Williams, the future leader of the National Socialist Movement and the person who would issue his NSM membership card to London nail-bomber David Copeland. Wakeford’s other close friend Richard Lawson had a career in the extreme right going back into the 70’s. He was editor of “Britain First” together with Dave McCalden, who became known as a holocaust revisionist, followed the Strasserite split of the short lived National Party. In the 80’s he returned to the “Strasserized” National Front, founded the IONA-Group (Islands of the North Atlantic) and wrote for Scorpion, the magazine of Michael Walker (who was one of the people who safe-housed Italian neo-fascist terrorist Roberto Fiore). In the mid-90’s, Lawson founded the fluxeuropa website and was involved along with Southgate in Alternative Green, the nationalistic spin-off from Green Anarchist. As we can see, Wakeford was surrounded by key figures of the extreme right until the end of the 90’s at least. So it’s not surprising that he spouts on about Europe in true new right fashion in an interview with Jean Louis Vaxelaire, which was published on Lawson’s fluxeuropa site. Wakeford said that Europe was “one of my obsessions”, and slightly distanced himself from 19th century concepts of nationalism by preferring to see “Europe as a collection of regions”, but he then in accordance with the new right decried the “unstoppable” “americanization of European culture.”

Wakeford and Southgate are by no means the only ones involved in the far right. Ian Read, a founding member of Sol Invictus and occasional member of Current 93, who featured on Death In June’s “Brown Book”, founded his own project Fire & Ice in 1990. Known in occult circles for his editorship of Chaos International, his interests are focussed on runes, odinism, nordic mythology, and he thinks of himself as one of the most important occultists of the British Isles. But he too has a history as a far right militant as he acted as security for Michael Walker and Michèle Renouf at events around 1990.

Renouf is one of the leading figures of British holocaust denial and anti-Semites. Amongst other things, she participated in the Teheran holocaust conference, and is one of the most active supporters of David Irving. She also pops up in our context again in 2007 when she spoke at an event of Southgate’s New Right groupuscule, as reported by the anti-Fascist magazine Searchlight. This (and a looming leadership contest) led to disputes within the British National Party, since its culture commissioner, self-declared “philosopher” and “artist” (who made garish oil paintings with titles such as “Adolf and Leni” or “Freud was wrong”) was simultaneously Southgate’s partner in the New Right grouplet. This was at a time when Nick Griffin (former Political Soldier, now BNP chairman and recently elected to the European Parliament) tried to create a more “respectable” image for the party. Of course if leading functionaries rub shoulders with radical anti-Zionists and anti-Semites, who, as Renouf does, believe that “Hamas fights for us all”, then Griffin’s attempt to clear the BNP from charges of anti-Semitism have little credibility.

Back to Neo-Folk: In contrast to “Battlenoise!”, the book titled “Looking For Europe” was received with praise in the scene. The 500 page convolute is stuffed with information on bands and records. It functions a bit like a film documentary cut with snippets of interviews in between the text, and amended with “essays” on the “philosophical” background of the artists. The book title of course is taken from a song by Sol Invictus. All sides of the scene are presented and indeed all kinds of references are mentioned and quoted, but the overall agenda seems to be to discredit the anti-Fascists who are active in monitoring and counter-acting the fascist tendencies in neo-folk. Thus, “Rik” from the fluxeuropa web site comments on whether the Neofolk-scene in England has the reputation of being politically incorrect: “The witch hunters of Political Correctness have their very own and narrow minded political agenda – a kind of ‘social marxism’ – and are not satisfied with anything less than complete compliance with their own values and aims. To justify oneself towards these people would be to play their game, and is ultimately futile. This is why I think we shouldn’t even pose this question.” (p 24) This “Rik” can be none other than Richard Lawson, who we already encountered as NF cadre and IONA founder, but the reader is kept in the dark about these facts. It would be interesting to know if the authors of the book knew this information. If the answer is yes, it would show that they are manipulating the reader on this question; if no, it means they didn’t do their research properly. Either way it illustrates well how the book operates – consciously or not – in its quest to create a whitewashed encyclopedia of Neofolk. Why left wing authors like Martin Büsser or Lars Brinkmann let themselves be instrumentalized remains unclear, but it makes it possible that pretend-equilibrium is created. Most importantly, the involvement of the far right in Neofolk is trivialized and reduced to footnote status.

One other method in this strategy is to present authors such as Ernst Jünger and Julius Evola as heroic mavericks and mystical sages. It is worth briefly looking into their relationships with fascism. Ernst Jünger was active as a publicist and author from the 1920’s onwards on the fringes of the furthest right of the Weimar Republic. He was never a Hitlerite National Socialist, but still he was one of those intellectuals who expected to be the helm of intellectual life after the “German Revolution”. Benn and Heidegger are other examples of this. In 1964, Jünger wrote in his book “Maxima-Minima”: “Revolutions also have a mechanical side”, complaining that the result is that “subaltern” types are coming to the fore. I’m sure he is thinking of the mediocre writers that became national authors of Nazi Germany. Of course Jünger is a stylistic “genius” compared to a Herbert Böhme. It was beneath him to formulate cheap adulations of the “Führer”. Much has been made of Jünger’s supposed refusal to join the Deutsche Akademie der Dichtung when it was purged and then filled with Nazis in the spring of 1933. Fact is that he wasn’t actually invited to join it in May ‘33. One month later, when the NSDAP was already consolidating its power, five more writers were nominated to the Academy. Besides Jakob Schaffner, this also included Jünger. However Jünger got the least number of votes. The poet was insulted and penned a letter of refusal even before the actual invitation arrived. He wrote: “The character of my work lies in its essentially soldierly character, which I do not wish to compromise with academic ties… I ask you therefor to see my refusal as a sacrifice which my participation in the german mobilisation is imposing on myself, in which service I have been active since 1914.” He was obviously offended by the preferential treatment lesser authors were receiving. In any case there is no anti-fascist attitude that can be projected into this statement, and is rather a position that is still consistent with his critique of the Hitlerites from the right.

In his post war writings there is clearly a different tone, and Jünger may well have learned something from the horrors, but it is also possible that a very similar message was encrypted in a different way for a different cultural climate (see the box on “Der Waldgang”). Whatever may be the case, there is definitely no self-critical analysis of his own role in the “german mobilization”. Instead, he often revised his older writings including those versions in his collected works making the texts more compatible for the cultural climate of the post war era. In passing it should be mentioned that Armin Mohler, who was Jünger’s secretary for a while in the early 50’s, turned away from the author exactly for this reason.

Julius Evola was one of the main inspirations for the extreme end of Italian post war fascism. Marginally involved with avant-garde art after WWI, he soon became an ideologist of a radical and anti-Semitic “traditionalism”. That he was not just some random occultist will be clear from the following quote from the preface of the English edition of “Men Among the Ruins”:
“… for us as integral advocates of the “Imperium”, for us as aristocratically inclined, for us as unbending enemies of plebeian politics, of any ‘nationalistic’ ideology, of any and all party ranks and all forms of party ‘spirit’, as well as of any more or less disguised form of democracy, “Fascism is not enough”. We should have wanted a more radical, more fearless, a more absolute fascism that would exist in pure strength and unbending spirit against any compromise, inflamed by a real fire for imperial power. We can never be viewed as ‘anti-Fascists’ except to the extent that ‘super-Fascism’ can be equated with ‘antifascism’.”
Despite this, various protagonists of the neo-folk scene are allowing themselves to present Evola only as an eccentric mystic in order to trivialize what he is really about: “super-fascism”.

Not everybody sees it like that. For example, the Ukrainian academic and fascism scholar Anton Shekhovtsov wrote the article “Apoliteic music: Neo-Folk, Martial Industrial and ‘Metapolitical’ Fascism”, which appeared in “Patterns of Prejudice” magazine in December 2009. His starting point is that in the post war years the radical right had to switch from openly political forms to what he calls “apoliteic” form. Here, he is particularly referring to Evola, Mohler and Jünger. These conservative revolutionaries find themselves in an interregnum until the time would be ripe again for the “glorious” national re-awakening. The metapolitcal fascism of the New Right manifests itself less in the form of parties than in networks of think tanks, conferences, journals, institutes and publishing houses. Shekhovtsov demonstrates how this strategy is at work in Neo-folk and Martial Industrial with bands such as Folkstorm, Death In June, HERR and others. Of course, record labels and distributors, venues and festivals, fashion and fetishism also add to the cohesion of the scene and operate as transmitters of ideas.

We have seen how certain activists of the scene have roots in the political milieu of British neo-fascism, and that their later activities appear not to be “sins of the youth” but rather a conscious change in strategy. This makes it easier to sell records and exert influence, and also makes is possible that the Antifa can be portrayed as “intolerant” and “totalitarian”. The examples shown in this article are by far not the only ones. From the US, examples such as Michael Moynihan, Boyd Rice or Robert Taylor could be examined and would show deep involvement with far right politics, just as the band Von Thronstahl from Germany would. There are numerous other examples. On the other hand, it doesn’t mean that everybody involved in this scene is automatically to be seen as a far right activist. There are even members with years of involvement who seemed to be unaware of the political components. The right wing Gramscian strategy works best when the recipients of the ideas don’t identify them with the hard right, but with “common sense”. This is a very small scene which tries to ennoble its consumers into being supposedly part of some “elite”.

One of the more prevalent opinions on this topic is: as long as these are just the quirks of some pseudo-eccentrics, we shouldn’t care. However, the danger of lies in a camouflaged and sneaking popularisation of ideas as concepts of the New Right can not be underestimated. Caught in the cul-de-sac of “straight” neo-nazi politics, the individuals involved in the far right and neo-folk switched to “metapolitical”, sub-cultural strategies. Therefore, it is absolutely necessary to expose these actual connections, to prompt those in the “grey zone” to distance themselves, and especially to expose the actual arbitrariness and banality of fascist thinking.


Apoliteic music: Neo-Folk, Martial Industrial and ‘metapolitical fascism’


To understand the phenomenon of fascist neofolk, we are republishing a now classic essay by Russian academic Anton Shekhovtsov.  This essay looks at the use of metapolitics and aesthetics to create a far-right cultural influence, all while taking a public “apolitical” stance.  This explains why many of these bands can be considered the same as fascist activists, and also opens a window for how the left can address these issues from a metapolitical and aesthetic standpoint.  There is no neutrality in art, it is contested ground.

We would also like to highlight that Eric Roger of Gae Bolg, who we recently profiled, gave support in the creation of this essay.


By Anton Shekhovtsov

In 2000, when I was the editor of a small self-published musical magazine, I received a CD entitled Victory or Death by the Swedish band Folkstorm.2 The CD contained ten tracks of harsh Industrial music and the disc was decorated with a Nazi-style Reichsadler atop an empty oak wreath.3 The back cover was ornamented with runes and listed the tracks ‘Feldgeschrei’ (Field Turmoil), ‘Harsh Discipline’, ‘Propaganda’, ‘We Are the Resistance’, ‘Social Surgery’, to name but a few. The words of the songs were inaudible, due to the highly distorted vocals, but everything else vaguely suggested the radical right-wing nature of Folkstorm’s ‘ideology’. Surprisingly, the band promised ‘No politics. No religion. No standard’, a prudent statement written on the disc itself.

If the band disclaims any reference to politics while these signs suggest the opposite, what type of ‘propaganda’ is it? Folkstorm’s message has little to do with that of some of its compatriots like Totenkopf, whose track ‘Can’t Be Beaten’ unreservedly proclaims: ‘Show them where you stand and feel no remorse, my Aryan brother, it’s time for race war.’4 Neither is Folkstorm’s message a provocation similar to the late Punk Rocker Sid Vicious’s notorious posing in a t-shirt with a swastika on it. If the message is not the White Noise broadcast of racial hatred,5 or the ‘spit in the face of bourgeois society’, then what is it? In this article, I argue that there exists a particular kind of radical right-wing music that does not promote outright violence, is not related to the activities of political organizations or parties, and is not a means of recruitment to any political tendency. Therefore, I take Folkstorm’s ‘No politics’ statement seriously, although I hope to reconceptualize it in a way that avoids any futile attempt to drain the clearly right-wing message of its essence. I refer to this music as ‘apoliteic’ (a term explained below), and this article will analyze its nature and significance by considering two musical genres, namely Neo-Folk and Martial Industrial, that are most often used by bands and artists for disseminating an apoliteic message. I hope to demonstrate that apoliteic music and White Noise are cultural reflections of the two different political strategies that fascism was forced to follow in the ‘hostile’ conditions of the post-war period.

Before I proceed, it must be noted that neither Neo-Folk nor Martial Industrial can be considered ‘fascist musical genres’. Unlike White Noise, which refers specifically to ideologically motivated music, these two genres are first and foremost typological constructs that embrace particular kinds of combined sounds. Indeed, whether or not Neo-Folk or Martial Industrial can be equated with fascist or neo-Nazi propaganda has been hotly debated since the mid-1990s when a number of bands playing in these genres started to receive—due to their extensive use of fascist imagery—attention from left-wing journalists as well as attacks by anti-fascist groups. On several occasions, anti-fascist protests, petitions and pickets were supported by the authorities who banned performances of particular Neo-Folk/Martial Industrial bands. In 2004 the major Austrian Martial Industrial act, Der Blutharsch, had to cancel a performance in Israel due to protests by, among others, the Israeli cabinet member Natan Sharansky, the Knesset member Yossi Sarid, the mayor of Tel Aviv Ron Huldai and the Anti-Defamation League. The following year, the most famous Neo-Folk band, Death in June, lost the right to sell its album Rose Clouds of Holocaust in Germany after an investigation conducted by the Bundesprüfstelle für jugendgefährdende Medien (BPjM, Federal Department for Media Harmful to Young People).6 Neither of these bands is part of the White Noise scene, but both embrace—as I shall argue below—explicit elements of the fascist Weltanschauung.

Major terms and concepts

There are several terms that journalists, public officials and scholars use to refer to artists or bands that—from the observers’ point of view—perform music impregnated with fascist or extreme right-wing ideas. Some of these are umbrella terms that encompass different musical genres, while others refer to specific ones.

The term ‘White Noise’ originates from White Noise Records, a label that released Skrewdriver’s single ‘White Power’ in 1983. Skrewdriver was a British band that openly promoted revolutionary ultra-nationalism through their records, and their performances sometimes turned into riots of neo-Nazi skinheads. Skrewdriver’s late leader Ian Stuart was a member of the British National Front (NF), while the band itself was closely associated with both the NF and the British National Party (BNP). In fact, Skrewdriver might be considered ‘the musical wing’ of the NF, as it raised funds for the organization and helped recruit new members. Moreover, in 1987, Stuart founded the Blood & Honour network that promoted ultra-nationalist bands, organized their concerts and served as a nexus for neo-Nazi skinheads in Europe and the United States.7Since Skrewdriver played a type of Punk Rock music known as Street Punk or Oi!,8 the term ‘White Noise’ originally referred to Punk Rock acts that propagated extreme right-wing ideas.9 Currently, due to the generic variety of bands that play at Blood & Honour concerts, one can apply this term to any aggressive rock music that is imbued with an openly fascist or racist message.

It is crucially important to highlight two features of White Noise. First, this type of music is characterized by overt racism or revolutionary ultra-nationalism. White Noise bands do not veil their messages and some of the bands’ names—not to mention the albums and song titles—speak for themselves: Race War, Totenkopf, Final Solution, Jew Slaughter, Legion 88, Konkwista 88, Angry Aryans, Brigada NS, RaHoWa etc.10 Second, White Noise is associated with either direct violence against an Other or the political cause, however marginal, that inspires it. It is quite often the case that White Noise musicians do not conceal their membership in revolutionary ultra-nationalist groupuscules, larger organizations or even electoral parties. As mentioned above, Skrewdriver worked alongside the NF, while the Romanian band Brigada de Asalt (The Assault Brigade) is an integral part of the neo-Nazi organization Noua Dreaptă (New Right), presumably backed by the Romanian radical right-wing Partidul Noua Generatie (New Generation Party). A large number of White Noise bands appear on the so-called ‘schoolyard’ CDs compiled and released by the radical right-wing Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands (National Democratic Party of Germany) for free distribution among German youth.

Surprisingly, the term ‘White Noise’ does not seem to cover Black Metal bands that promote ultra-nationalist ideas. In this case, journalists and scholars use the term ‘National Socialist Black Metal’ (or simply NSBM) to refer to the same White Noise socio-political message when it is disseminated by Black Metal music.11

Another umbrella term for radical right-wing music is simply ‘Right-Wing Rock’. This term gained currency in Germany (Rechtsrock) among left-wing activists, scholars and government institutions such as the Bundesamt für Verfassungsschutz (BfV, Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution) and the BPjM,12 but is used in English-language academic works as well.13 The BPjM states that, ‘with the exception of jazz and classical music, there is no musical genre that is not infiltrated by right-wing extremist organizations and is not a medium for extreme right-wing content’.14 It lists eight musical genres that are collectively identified as Rechtsrock (Right-Wing Rock): skinhead bands (obviously not a genre, but apparently the BPjM meant White Noise here), NSBM, Hatecore, Techno Music, Hip-Hop, Folk, singer-songwriters (again, not a genre, but individuals who compose and perform their own works, usually accompanied solely by acoustic guitar) and Neo-Folk. According to the German office, it is these genres that are commonly used by musicians who promote ‘the glorification of National Socialism, the representation of Adolf Hitler and his party comrades as role models (or tragic heroes)’, and who seek to ‘instill racial hatred, [or] call for violence against foreigners, Jews or those who disagree with them’.15 Such an analysis suffers from one grave shortcoming. ‘Right-Wing Rock’ per se is an over-extended term, and the BPjM interprets it too narrowly for it to be applied to the wide range of genuine right-wing music. To be a right-winger or even a fascist one does not necessarily have to glorify Nazism or seek to instill racial hatred. The BPjM obviously hits its target with White Noise and NSBM, but by including Neo-Folk — even if we assume it is only right-wing Neo-Folk acts — within a narrow definition of Rechtsrock, it risks missing the mark.16 In order to explain this crucial distinction, we need to consider two major concepts: fascism and apoliteia.

In this article, I subscribe, methodologically, to a dominant school within ‘fascist studies’ that posits fascist ideology as a form of revolutionary ultra-nationalism.17 This approach is most extensively elaborated by Roger Griffin who defines ‘fascism’ as


a revolutionary species of political modernism originating in the early twentieth century whose mission is to combat the allegedly degenerative forces of contemporary history (decadence) by bringing about an alternative modernity and temporality (a ‘new order’ and a ‘new era’) based on the rebirth, or palingenesis, of the nation.18

This interpretation of fascism ‘implies an organic conception of the nation that is not necessarily equated with the nation-state or its existing boundaries, and which is indebted to the modern notion of the sovereignty of the “people” as a discrete supra-individual historical entity and actor’.19 The excessive mythologization of the nation as well as the impetuous thrust towards its palingenesis result in fascism having the appearance of a political religion. As such, fascism generates its own culturally defined collective behaviour that possesses specific characteristics, among which ‘adventure, heroism, the spirit of sacrifice, mass rituals, the cult of martyrs, the ideals of war and sports [and] fanatical devotion to the leader’ are most prominent.20 These features are by no means the sine qua non of fascism but they are indicative of fascism’s commitment to the aestheticization of political life, extreme activism and spectacular politics, and hence directly linked to its tendency to manifest itself as a form of political religion.

Although fascism is an enfant terrible of the twentieth century, its socio-political lifespan is not bounded by Mussolini’s and Hitler’s regimes. After the joint forces of the Soviet Union and the western liberal democracies had crushed fascism’s war machine, it was forced to evolve or, rather, mutate into three distinct forms. The groups that still wanted to participate in the political process had to dampen their revolutionary ardour rather dramatically and translate it ‘as far as possible into the language of liberal democracy’.21 This strategy gave birth to new radical right-wing parties that have become electorally successful in several countries over the last twenty-five years. Revolutionary ultra-nationalists, on the other hand, retreated to the margins of socio-political life and took the form of small groupuscules that kept alive ‘the illusory prospect of having a revolutionary impact on society’.22 The third form of post-war fascism was conceptualized in the teachings of two fascist philosophers, Armin Mohler and Julius Evola. In Die konservative Revolution in Deutschland 1918-1932, published in 1950,23 Mohler argued that, since fascist revolution was indefinitely postponed due to the political domination of liberal democracy, true ‘conservative revolutionaries’ found themselves in an ‘interregnum’ that would, however, spontaneously give way to the spiritual grandeur of national reawakening. This theme of right-wing ‘inner emigration’ was echoed by Evola in his Cavalcare la tigre (Ride the Tiger), published in 1961.24 Evola acknowledged that, while ‘the true State, the hierarchical and organic State’, lay in ruins, there was ‘no one party or movement with which one can unreservedly agree and for which one can fight with absolute devotion, in defence of some higher idea’. Thus, l’uomo differenziato should practise ‘disinterest, detachment from everything that today constitutes “politics”‘, and this was exactly the principle that Evola called ‘apoliteia’. While apoliteia does not necessarily imply abstention from socio-political activities, an apoliteic individual, an ‘aristocrat of the soul’ (to cite the subtitle of the English translation of Cavalcare la tigre), should always embody his ‘irrevocable internal distance from this [modern] society and its “values”‘.25

The concepts of interregnum and apoliteia had a major impact on the development of the ‘metapolitical fascism’ of the European New Right (ENR),26 a movement that consists of clusters of think tanks, conferences, journals, institutes and publishing houses that try—following the strategy of so-called ‘right-wing Gramscism’—to modify the dominant political culture and make it more susceptible to a non-democratic mode of politics.27 Like Mohler and Evola, the adherents of the ENR believe that one day the allegedly decadent era of egalitarianism and cosmopolitanism will give way to ‘an entirely new culture based on organic, hierarchical, supra-individual, heroic values’.28It is important to emphasize, however, that ‘metapolitical fascism’ focuses—almost exclusively—on the battle for hearts and minds rather than for immediate political power. Following Evola’s precepts, the ENR tries to distance itself from both historical and contemporary fascist parties and regimes. As biological racism became totally discredited in the post-war period, and it was ‘no longer possible to speak publicly of perceived difference through the language of “old racism”’,29 ENR thinkers pointed to the insurmountable differences between peoples, not in biological or ethnic terms but rather in terms of culture.30 They abandoned overt fascist ultra-nationalism ‘in the name of a Europe restored to the (essentially mythic) homogeneity of its component primordial cultures’.31

How do fascism’s strategies in the ‘hostile’ post-war environment relate to music? While there can be no purely musical reflection of right-wing party politics, White Noise has nonetheless become part and parcel of the revolutionary ultra-nationalist subculture. And I suggest that ‘metapolitical fascism’ has its own cultural manifestation in the domain of sound, namely, apoliteic music. This is a type of music in which the ideological message contains obvious or veiled references to the core elements of fascism but is simultaneously detached from any practical attempt to implement that message through political activity. Apoliteic music is characterized by highly elitist stances and disdain for ‘banal petty materialism’. Both apoliteic artists and their conscientious fans appear to be self-styled ‘aristocrats of the soul’, 32 united in their implicit knowledge that the imperium internum is the reflection of a forthcoming new era of national and spiritual palingenesis. Lost in contemplation of this utopian future, they perceive the current situation as the interregnum. Regardless of the extent to which the contemporary Europeanized world is actually decadent or spiritually impoverished, it will always pale beside the imaginary fascist ‘brave new world’.

The concept of apoliteia correlates with one more important, indeed crucial, notion, namely, the Waldgang. Ten years before the appearance of Evola’s largely pessimisticCavalcare la tigre, Ernst Jünger published the essay Der Waldgang,33 which anticipated Evola’s reflections on apoliteia.34 Jünger, the author of the critically acclaimed In Stahlgewittern (1920) — translated into English as Storm of Steel — and Der Arbeiter (The Worker) (1932), celebrated war, in which he saw embedded the metaphysical process of the forging of a new civilization.35 He therefore sympathized with the Nazi regime, which seemed to be the embodied instrument for setting such a process in motion. However, as Griffin notes, Jünger ‘stayed aloof from politics, reluctant to abandon the heights of his metapolitical outposts’,36 although the regime actually benefitted from his literary works that legitimated fascism in the cultural sphere. In his post-war Der Waldgang, Jünger severely criticized the spiritually deprived Titanicthat was the modern age, seized by ‘liquidations, rationalizations, socializations, electrifications and pulverizations’ that required ‘neither culture nor character’.37Nonetheless, he urged free individuals to ‘stay on shipboard [sic]’ (that is, to use technological progress to their advantage) and, at the same time, ‘retreat into the forest’ (Waldgang). For him, the forest was a symbol of ‘supratemporal Being’ or ‘the Ego’ and, by ‘retreating’ into it, ‘the wanderer in the forest’ (Waldgänger) could resist the moral corruption of the interregnum.38 Confronted with ‘demoniac forces of our civilization’, liuomo differenziato rejects the apparent choice (‘either howl with the wolves or fight them’) and finds an alternative in ‘his existence as an individual, in his own Being which remains unshaken’.39 Remarkably, Jünger argued that the

retreat into the forest (Waldgang) is not … directed against the world of technology, although this is a temptation, particularly for those who strive to regain a myth. Undoubtedly, mythology will appear again. It is always present and arises in a propitious hour like a treasure coming to the surface. But man does not returnto the realm of myth, he re-encounters it when the age is out of joint and in the magic circle of extreme danger.40

While the concept of the Waldgang is clearly another aspect of apoliteia (or perhaps the reverse of it), apoliteic artists perceive themselves as ‘wanderers in the forest’. They necessarily allude to myths—whether pagan or, less often, Christian—but such allusions do not represent an attempt to return to a mythologized past. Nor can the positions of these artists be construed as anti-modern, let alone anti-technological. On the contrary, they choose ‘both the forest and the ship’,41 as they oppose the decadent interregnum with their inner commitment to a re-enchanted alternative modernity of the reborn nation, heroic individualism and a subjectively interpreted ethic of military honour.

Neo-Folk and Martial Industrial: the origins

Arguably the most obvious examples of apoliteic music—which reveals itself through music, lyrics, band names, album and song titles, cover art, style of dress as well as being subtly articulated in live performances—can be found in certain Neo-Folk and Martial Industrial works.42 From a ‘technical’ point of view, the two genres may seem musically different. The typical Neo-Folk artists sing melancholic ‘folkish’ songs to the accompaniment of acoustic guitars, violins and piano, while typical Martial Industrial acts create dark bombastic collages that usually feature various samples of military marches, battle noises or war-oriented speeches. The genres correlate—hardly surprisingly—with Evola’s interpretation of the idealized origin of now desacralized modern western music. From his point of view, as expounded in Cavalcare la tigre, ‘the most modern western music has been characterized by increasing estrangement from its lineage, both the melodramatic, melodic, heroically romantic and pretentious line (the last of which is typically represented by Wagnerism), and the tragic-pathetic line (we need only refer to Beethoven’s principal ideas)’.43 Although it’s unlikely that Evola himself would have enjoyed most extreme samples of Martial Industrial music, it is significant that both genres—no matter how ‘technically’ different they are—fit his description.

Apoliteic music is organically accommodated within Neo-Folk and Martial Industrial since their roots lie in revolutionary and national cultural traditions. While Martial Industrial clearly descends from Industrial music, Peter Webb and Stéphane François correctly assert that Neo-Folk, too, is an emanation of Industrial music.44 Industrial can be briefly and inevitably inadequately characterized as a fusion of Rock and Electronic music, mixed with avant-garde experiments and Punk provocation.45 Although the genre was ‘genetically’ born in the mid-1970s with the establishment of the Industrial Records label, Karen Collins has traced the first usage of the term ‘industrial’ as applied to music back to the preface of Francesco Balilla Pratella’s Musica Futurista of 1912.46 Luigi Russolo, another Futurist musician and Pratella’s colleague, was the author of a 1913 manifesto entitled L’Art des bruits (The art of noises) in which one apparently finds the first conceptualization of Martial Industrial. Considering the variety of natural and artificial noises that could be employed for the projected ‘revolution of music’, Russolo wrote: ‘And we must not forget the very new noises of Modern Warfare. The poet Marinetti, in a letter from the Bulgarian trenches of Ariadnople described to me … in his new futurist style, the orchestra of a great battle.’47 Although Russolo’s Futurism did not draw him to Italian Fascism, Pratella and Filippo Marinetti did become—like many other Futurists—ardent supporters of Mussolini’s regime.48Obviously, modern Industrial music has been influenced by other cultural and musical trends (Dadaism, musique concrète, Pop, Rock, Electronic and Post-Punk), but its emergence (or rather re-emergence) in the mid-1970s was a result of the ‘spiritual’ evolution of Futurist music.

Apart from general influences that shaped Industrial music, Neo-Folk draws heavily on national folk traditions. The first point of reference is a wave of the so-called ‘roots’ revivals that swept the Europeanized world a few decades after the Second World War, reaching their apogee in the 1960s and 1970s. Several major features characterized roots revivals: first, the revitalization and imitation of national traditional music; second, the adaptation of folk music to modern musical genres, especially to Rock and Pop; and, third, the politicization of folk music. As Britta Sweers argues, ‘in the context of the various twentieth-century folk revivals, the terminology [folk music] was always combined with political or ideological meanings, in particular with the idea of traditional or folk music as a counterpoint to popular (i.e., commercial) music’.49 Politically, most folk bands and singer-songwriters were influenced by left-wing ideas while ‘the events of May 1968’ had a strong impact on the development of roots revivals. The left-wing orientation of folk artists was particularly evident in Germany, where the roots revival encountered a problem of legitimacy since Volkmusik was ‘destroyed’ by ‘the “kurzbehoste” [those dressed in short trousers] of the German youth groups and the armies of National Socialist soldiers and supporters’ through their ‘aggressive usage of the songs and the tradition’.50

Although the US and European roots revivals have—to a certain degree—triggered the emergence of Neo-Folk in the 1980s, apoliteic Neo-Folk bands apparently draw inspiration not from the 1970s left-wing protest folk songs, but rather from the previous folk revivals that took place at the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth centuries. These revivals varied throughout European countries. In Britain, for example, the phenomenon was associated with folk song collectors such as Cecil Sharp, Ralph Vaughan Williams and Lucy Broadwood, who endeavoured—quite successfully—to raise public appreciation of folk music and to ‘secure’ a distinctively English folk tradition.51 In Germany, the roots revival unfolded within various clubs and movements such as Der Wandervogel (the bird of passage). This movement began in 1896 ‘in reaction to aspects of bourgeois life and music aesthetics and presented a counterculture to the ubiquitous, harmony-singing Männergesangsvereine (“male choral societies”) of the late-nineteenth century’;52 it ‘aimed to reclaim a national identity for Germany, based upon its songs’.53 In Italy, one of the most famous folk song collectors was none other than Francesco Balilla Pratella, who withdrew from the Futurist movement after the First World War and dedicated the rest of his life to the traditional music of his native Romagna, ‘much to Marinetti’s disgust’.54 Revealingly, by moving from Futurist music to Italian traditional folk, Pratella anticipated the 1980s rise of Neo-Folk out of the Industrial milieu.


‘Europe is dead’—’Looking for Europe’—’Europe, awake!’

Europe—or rather a highly mythologized and idealized concept of Europe—is central to the ethos of apoliteic music. In fact, Europe has long been a popular object of mythologization.55 A modernist statue in front of the European Parliament in Strasbourg features Europa as a woman sitting on a bull. The statue represents the ancient Greek myth of the abduction of Europa by lascivious Zeus disguised as a white bull. Over the centuries the myth has been the subject of thousands of works of art, but in modern times the idea of Europe has spawned even more interpretations: a bastion of Christianity, a part of the Free World, a vanguard of civilization, a place torn between the capitalist and socialist powers or, most recently, one divided by former US President George W. Bush into the Iraq-war-friendly ‘new Europe’ and the ‘old Europe’ that doubted the validity of the military campaign. These are mythological constructs applied to one and the same geographical region. Fascists, or Eurofascists, have constructed their own mythological Europe as a ‘homogeneous cultural entity or primordial racial community’.56 With regard to radical right-wing music, one can distinguish the three main lyrical and artistic themes alluded to in the title of this section: the death of Europe; Europe in the interregnum; and the rebirth of Europe.

Seen from the point of view of the Waldgänger, there are several causes of Europe’s death. It was, first of all, a consequence of the establishment of the New World Order, marked by the domination of liberal democratic values and the rejection of the fascist European myths. In an interview with the Anglo-Dutch apoliteic band H.E.R.R., one of the vocalists, Troy Southgate, who is also a prolific New Right author, states:


In Europe … the twin profanities of Americanisation and liberal democracy are eating away at the very soul of our civilisation. Individualism has replaced individuality, economics are taking priority over ideas, and the mass consumer society rides roughshod over polytheism, identity and diversity.57

If liberal democracy is the enemy of European cultural identity, interpreted in fascist terms, then the 1945 Yalta conference—where the leaders of Britain, the United States and the USSR discussed the post-war reorganization of Europe—was clearly the time-point of the funeral march. Death in June makes this message clear:


Sons of Europe
Sick with liberalism
Sons of Europe
Chained with capitalism …
On a marble slab in Yalta
Mother Europe
Was Slaughtered.58

Europe’s death (or, perhaps, its ‘mere’ decline) is also linked to the growing multiculturalism of European states. In his analysis of ‘the Euro-Pagan scene’, Stèphane François argues that such bands ‘condemn multicultural society, seen as the manifestation of the decline of European values and the victory of corrupting Western universalism’.59 Josef Maria Klumb of Von Thronstahl, one of the most influential and prolific apoliteic bands, unambiguously corroborates this notion:


The so-called ‘multi-culturalism’… creates a mixed population without any real culture.… the ‘clash of cultures’ has already caused a lot of damage in big German cities, where you can see and feel the spenglerian ‘decline of the west’ simply by taking a walk through some streets.60

The Russian musician Ilya Kolerov (Wolfsblood) echoes Klumb’s concern for Europe’s cultural integrity. While he maintains that he likes ‘neither communism, nor Nazism, nor modern Jewish democracy’, Kolerov openly admits: ‘Maybe, I’m racist partly. I don’t want Moscow to be an Asian city. I want to see pure French or British on the streets of London or Paris.’61 Kolerov’s argument draws on the ‘new racist’ theories of ethnopluralism advanced by the European New Right and propagated in Russia by the ‘metapolitical fascist’ philosopher Aleksandr Dugin.62 The ethnopluralist theory champions ethno-cultural pluralism globally but is critical of cultural pluralism (multiculturalism) in any given society. By distorting a democratic call for the right of all peoples and cultures to be different,63 the theory thereby attempts to legitimize European exclusionism and the rejection of miscegenation. In ethnopluralist terms, the ‘“mixing of cultures” and the suppression of “cultural differences” would correspond to the intellectual death of humanity and would perhaps even endanger the control mechanisms that ensure its biological survival’.64

Toroidh, one of Henrik N. Björkk’s bands (apart from the now defunct Folkstorm), musically elaborates another explanation for Europe’s death in the European Trilogy. In an interview conducted by the British magazine Compulsion Online following the release of Europe Is Dead, the second part of the trilogy, Björkk tells readers: ‘TheEuropean Trilogy is all based upon the chaotic 20th century—the world wars, the ethnic conflicts and the dream of a united Europe. The Europe that conquered the old world, and colonized the new, and that passed away with the Second World War.’65 Björkk is presumably raising the spectre of the Eurofascist view of the lost ‘European civil war’ of the twentieth century, lost not to one European country or another but to non-fascists. In any case, Björkk’s ‘dream of a united Europe’ clearly has nothing to do with either the European Economic Community or the European Union but is, rather, of a united fascist Europe, a notion that was extremely popular within certain Italian Fascist and Nazi circles.66

The vision of a dead Europe is articulated not only in lyrics, song titles and artists’ interviews, but is also graphically expressed in album covers and artwork. In most cases the theme of Europe’s death is represented in mournful images of cemetery sculptures, doleful people with bent heads, dead soldiers and their personal belongings, abandoned battlefields and trenches. Of course, the featured images do not imply that a given album will—either musically or lyrically—focus exclusively on Europe’s death. Most apoliteic bands combine the three Europe-centred themes, although each theme does have its specific graphic representation.

The German band Darkwood has its own trilogy that deals with the ‘struggle of Europe’ (see Figure 1). The first part is entitled In the Fields,67 and its cover features a bas-relief of a sorrowful woman kneeling on one knee, her bent head in one hand and a flower in the other. The cover of the second part, Heimat & Jugend (Homeland and Youth),68 features an image from a Belgian graveyard. The third part, Flammende Welt (World in Flames),69 has on its cover another bas-relief, this one depicting a military medic presumably serving with the Axis forces (he wears a steel M35 helmet) holding his fallen or badly injured comrade.

Figure 1. Covers of Darkwood’s trilogy on the ‘struggle of Europe’: In the FieldsHeimat & Jugend and Flammende Welt (reproduced with the kind permission of Henryk Vogel).

Flammende Welt opens with the solemnly ominous instrumental track ‘For Europe’, and eventually concludes with the song ‘In Ruinen’, which undoubtedly alludes to Evola’s work Gli uomini e le rovine (literally ‘the men and the ruins’, but usually translated into English as Men among the Ruins), published in 1953,70 thus anticipating his 1961 Cavalcare la tigre. Henryk Vogel, the man behind Darkwood, comments: ‘the open end “In Ruins” is not just a state after the struggle of Europe but also a dark premonition of what is to come.… In the last song [In Ruinen], whispered vocals announce that there is to be a cultural resistance—which is necessary not only for Europe.’71 In another commentary on the song, Vogel ponders the post-war development of Europe and argues that ‘they decided for the Marshall plan and bought our souls with gold. But some souls cannot be bought, and a secret Europe lives on—as expressed in “In Ruinen”.’72 Similarly, Ian Read of the British band Fire + Ice replies to the question of whether he still believes in Europe: ‘The whole world is rapidly becoming all the same and this is painfully obvious in Europe which is rapidly losing any essence it had of old. In fact, this spirit only remains in certain special people who foster it.’73

For fascists, ‘a secret Europe’ is hidden in the interregnum, while the Europe of the ‘deadly’ liberal democratic order and of ‘homogenizing’ multicultural society triumphs. Those who feel devastated by the alleged loss of an old Europe of aristocratic hierarchy, organic ethnic-cultural community, sacrifice and heroism have nothing for it but to ‘retreat into the forest’ and find the answer to the current situation there.


He walked to the forest, to the lair of the wolf
Said: ‘I’m looking for Europe, I’ll tell you the truth.’
Some find it in a flag, some in the beat of a drum
Some with a book, and some with a gun
Some in a kiss, and some on the march
But if you’re looking for Europe, best look in your heart.74

References to Ernst Jünger are everywhere in the texts and images of apoliteic music. At least two Neo-Folk bands dedicated their albums to the German writer: Sagittarius (Die Große Marina),75 and Lady Morphia (Recitals to Renewal).76 The latter album features a track called ‘The Retreat into the Forest’ in which a male singer recites an extract from the English translation of Jünger’s Der Waldgang. In 2001 the German label Thaglasz, which evolved from a Death in June fan club, released the truly pan-European three-LP compilation entitled Der Waldgänger.77 As might be expected, most of the tracks are named after Jünger’s novels and essays, and some have titles that reflect a certain elaboration of the ideas expressed in his above-mentioned essay: This Morn’ Omina’s ‘Innere Emigration’ (inner emigration), Luftwaffe’s ‘A Solitary Order’ and Von Thronstahl’s thought-provoking ‘Waldgang & Apoliteia’.

Von Thronstahl, whose music, in Klumb’s own words, ‘reflects the longing for the true European identity and soul’, ‘our secret home that is Europa’,78 demonstrates the most acute perspicacity regarding ‘metapolitical fascism’. One of the band’s tracks is called ‘Interregnum’ and it is featured on the split album Pessoa/Cioran,79 dedicated to Fernando Pessoa and Emil Cioran. Pessoa was a Portuguese modernist poet who blended ‘an elite nationalistic sentiment, which favoured authoritarian leaders, with certain strains of avant-garde poetics and anticlerical mysticism’.80 Although sometimes sarcastically critical of Salazar’s Estado Novo (especially after it outlawed secret organizations like the Freemasons and Rosicrucians), Pessoa actually embraced it and, in 1936, a year after his death, the government republished some poems from hisMensagem (Message) (1933) to celebrate the anniversary of the regime.81 Cioran was a Romanian-born philosopher who, in the course of the 1930s, sympathized with both the Italian and German fascist regimes, as well as being close to the Romanian fascist movement Iron Guard, also known as the Legion of the Archangel Michael.82 The leader of the Iron Guard, Corneliu Codreanu, was also honoured with a special double-CD compilation, Codreanu: Eine Erinnerung an den Kampf (Codreanu: a reminiscence of the struggle),83 that featured many Neo-Folk and Martial Industrial artists.

Thematic compilations are important media for the expression of the idea of Europe in the interregnum. Musical tributes to individuals (often genuine icons for both neo-fascists and ‘metapolitical fascists’), such as Ernst Jünger, Corneliu Codreanu, Julius Evola,84 Leni Riefenstahl,85 Arno Breker,86 and Friedrich Hielscher,87 reveal that these figures—in one way or another associated with fascism—are true exponents of the Europe now dead and, by contributing their pieces to these compilations, apoliteic artists reconfirm their allegiance to the principles of ‘organic Europa’. The sentiment and perception of the interregnum is, perhaps, best described in Death in June’s ‘Runes and Men’ (another allusion to Evola’s Gli uomini e le rovine):


Then my loneliness closes in
So, I drink a German wine
And drift in dreams of other lives
And greater times.88

The specific stylistic expression of the theme of the interregnum lies outside the realm of music itself. While one may rightfully consider that the images of ruins featured on album covers and/or booklets refer to the theme of Europe’s death, it seems more reasonable—given Evola’s overwhelming popularity among apoliteic artists—to link such images to the theme of the interregnum. The same applies to images of forests. Of course, when artists illustrate their albums with such images (sometimes the artists themselves are portrayed on them), it is possible to conclude that they simply like forests. One can also interpret forests as symbols of enduring organic rootedness and/or voluntary dissociation from modernity’s stunning decadence and decay. Both explanations are legitimate and most likely correct in many cases. However, the legacy of Jünger, whose ghost haunts the Neo-Folk/Martial Industrial scene, cannot be ignored; thus, the images of forests may very well be alluding to the idea of the ‘retreat into the forest’ that signifies existence during the interregnum.

The idea of the rebirth (palingenesis) of Europe is an important integral element of Europe-centred apoliteic music. This notion implies that, despite Europe’s death, followed by an indefinite interregnum during which the ‘aristocrats of the soul’ are forced to undertake the Waldgang, a fairy (or, rather, eerie) Europe of ‘metapolitical fascists’ will inevitably be reborn. The German band Belborn inserted this idea in metaphorical form into a song called ‘Phoenix’:


In dieser kalten Welt aus Eis
Sind wir das Feuer das bewahrt
Die Wahrheit in des Wesens Kern
Den Schöpfungsgeist in Wort und Tat.
Vogel aus der Götter Hand
Hebe uns empor
Setze die Welt in Brand.89
In this cold world of ice
We are the fire that keeps
The truth in the essential seed
The creative spirit in word and deed.
Bird from the gods’ own hands
Raises us upwards
Sets the world on fire.

Reflecting on Europe’s ‘spiritual rebirth’ in an interview with the Romanian magazine Letters from the Nuovo Europae, Belborn, however, denied Europe’s death, maintaining that she was only sleeping: ‘No need to give birth to something again that was never dead! Europa is only sleeping at the moment because the sandman was and is too busy. Europe awake!!!’90 In any case, both ideas—Europe’s rebirth and her awakening—are mythological metaphors that reveal the palingenetic thrust of apoliteicmusic. Troy Southgate’s band Seelenlicht conveys this by quoting Hermann Hesse’s Demian (1960) on the inlay cover of their album Gods and Devils: ‘The bird struggles out of the egg. The egg is the world. Whoever wants to be born, must first destroy a world.’91 Besides the similarity of the bird metaphors in these texts from Belborn’s and Seelenlicht’s albums, both of them point to the death of the actual order that will usher in a new one. In this context, the required demise is not of ‘organic Europa’ but of the present ‘McWorld’ of liberal democracy. This connotation of the notion of palingenesis is effectively articulated by Howard Williams in his article on Immanuel Kant’s employment of the terms ‘metamorphosis’ and ‘palingenesis’: ‘Where a palingenetic change takes place, the existing structure takes on a wholly inappropriate guise, which is out of keeping with the true nature of the organism. Here the birth of a new structure can only take place with the completed death of the old.’92

Thus, it is not a coincidence that, for example, the US band Luftwaffe associates palingenesis with Kalki, a Hindu goddess who is to end the present age (Kali Yuga) of decadence and decay, in ‘Kalki’s Army’:


We’ll tear this world to shreds
We’ll rip your world to shreds
Your corporations will burn
Your institutions will burn
Your churches will burn
Your flag will burn
You will burn!…
Within the Meta-Kronosphere
This moment is decried
You would have thought
Your actions were your own
But history has moved your hand
Now history has given us this day
The dark ages are over
Our age is come.93

The association of palingenesis with Kalki can be traced back to the writings of the French Nazi mystic Maximiani Portaz, better known as Savitri Devi. During the years of the Third Reich she actively propagated a belief that Hitler was an avatar of Kalki, destined to crush ‘the combined dark age forces of Jewry, Marxism, and international capitalism’.94 The impact of Devi’s writings on neo-Nazism as well as ‘metapolitical fascism’ is considerable. The German apoliteic band Turbund Sturmwerk cites her The Lightning and the Sun (1958) on the back cover of their eponymous album: ‘Never mind how bloody the final crash may be!… We are waiting for it [and for] the triumph of all those men who, throughout centuries and today, have never lost the vision of the everlasting Order, decreed by the Sun …’95 This ‘leitmotif’—of course, not always a result of the adoption of Devi’s (c)ravings—recurs repeatedly in the lyrics and interviews of apoliteic artists. Henryk Vogel, for instance, assumes that ‘it’s possible that everything will crumble to dust and a new generation will rise from the ashes of the materialistic system to install a new order of splendour and light’.96

Interestingly enough, the idea of Europe’s rebirth also reveals itself through the names of the labels that release—almost exclusively—apoliteic music. In 1981 Douglas Pearce founded New European Recordings, whose discography includes the albums of his band (Death in June), as well as other acts like Boyd Rice and Friends, Fire + Ice, TeHÔM and Strength through Joy.97 In 2002 the Belgian label Neuropa Records was established to release albums by such bands as Toroidh, Horologium, Un Défi d’Honneur (also known as A Challenge of Honour), Levoi Pravoi, Oda Relicta and others.

It is worth noting that the word ‘palingenesis’ itself gained currency in the apoliteic milieu. What is even more important is that it is interpreted by conscientious fans in a ‘metapolitical fascist’ sense, even if the term does not actually appear. See, for example, a review of the instrumental track ‘Palingenesis’, composed by the Swedish Martial Industrial band Arditi, for the flavour both of this kind of intuitive apoliteic interpretation and of Martial Industrial music:


‘Palingenesis’ begins with bombastic drumming that immediately ignites the soul. The drums echo forth from the speakers with incredible definition and depth. A snare drum joins the thundering kettle drums adding dimension and lends a definitive martial tone to the song. Solemn synths contribute a sense of atmosphere that is quite cold and resigned. ‘Palingenesis’ paints a mental picture of soldiers lined up ready to march forth into battle, resigned to their fates, and bound by honor and blood.98

H.E.R.R. reproduces almost the same ‘mental picture’ in their song ‘A New Rome’:


Marching through the rain
We are soldiers again
We are raised from the fields
With our swords and our shields…
A city to win
With the sun on our skin
We failed in the past
But today she will last.99

Military imagery is unsurprisingly one of the most widely employed stylistic elements of apoliteic music. When such acts and artists as Death in June, Boyd Rice, Dernière Volonté, Les Joyaux de la Princesse and Krepulec dress in military or quasi-military uniforms for performances or promotional photographs, they emphasize their musical and lyrical image as ‘cultural soldiers’ who keep the flag flying in the fight against ‘the age of decay and democrazy [sic]’, as the title of one of Von Thronstahl’s songs has it.


Eschewing profane politics for spiritual warfare

In 1996 the German New Right weekly newspaper Junge Freiheit published a short article on new musical trends.


Germany became the centre of a musical culture rooted in the anti-modern currents of the ‘Gothic’ … scene. Romanticizing pathos and archaic might (archaische Gewalt), the music ranges from, at one end, classically inflected melodies to, at the other, rough Industrial. This mixture contains an explosive force, of which those in the musical mainstream who stand guard over the old tradition should beware. If the mythical and irrational, as well as the desire for anti-Enlightenment introspection and living transcendence, find a voice in youth culture, the aesthetic consensus of the West will be broken.100

This article was possibly the very first attempt to get Neo-Folk/Martial Industrial artists involved in the ‘right-wing Gramscian’ struggle for cultural hegemony. From then on, Junge Freiheit has been publishing interviews with apoliteic artists and enthusiastic album reviews. In France, however, the reception of Neo-Folk/Martial Industrial music by New Right thinkers has been ambivalent. For example, the leader of the French New Right, Alain de Benoist, who actually enjoys folk music, finds it disturbing when folk artists (like Death in June) add ‘elements of Nazi subculture’ to their music, and considers them provocateurs. In his turn, Christian Bouchet, the founder of Nouvelle Résistance (New Resistance), embraces what I am calling apoliteic music, as opposed to White Noise.101 The Russian New Right, associated first and foremost with Aleksandr Dugin’s neo-Eurasianist organizations, especially the Ievraziiskii Soyuz Molodezhi (ESM, Eurasian Youth Union), takes a favourable view of apoliteicmusic, and a leader of the local ESM branch in Kazan even owns a small company (Arcto Promo) that organizes music festivals—called ‘Finis Mundi’102 —that sometimes feature apoliteic bands. The British case is more straightforward as Troy Southgate, the leader of the British New Right and the founder of the National Anarchist group, is an apoliteic artist himself. He is also the editor of the New Right journal Synthesis: Journal du Cercle de la Rose Noire,103 in which he publishes, inter alia, his reviews of Neo-Folk/Martial Industrial albums.

Significantly, all the movements and groups that, in one way or another, turn to Neo-Folk/Martial Industrial bands in an attempt to infiltrate certain youth subcultures are metapolitical, rather than political. These organizations then eventually find they have more in common with the musical bands than with genuinely political parties, movements or even violent neo-fascist groups. Similar to the apoliteic musicians, who ‘function as a kind of metapolitical reference point for those people who find themselves disillusioned with the state of the modern world’,104 these New Right groups focus on the cultural terrain in their attempt to influence society and make it more susceptible to undemocratic and authoritarian ways of thinking.

Of course, there are exceptions. Troy Southgate was once a member of the NF, but he left the organization long before he started participating in musical ‘metapolitical fascist’ projects. Anthony (Tony) Wakeford of Sol Invictus was also a member of the NF and, in 2007, he wrote a repentant message for his website stating that he had had no interest in or sympathy for the ideas of the NF for about twenty years, and that joining the organization had probably been ‘the worse decision of [his] life and one [he] very much regret’.105 Furthermore, the possibility that a few apoliteic musicians are members of radical or extreme right-wing political organizations can’t be ruled out, but it is crucial that such membership be kept secret and not paraded.

The reason why apoliteic artists avoid involvement in outright right-wing political activities does not so much reflect concern for their reputations (although they do value them), as the lack of correspondence between ‘spiritual warfare’ and ‘profane politics’. For instance, members of the Russian Neo-Folk act Ritual Front, who define the concept of the band as ‘Tradition, antiquity, modernity, Gods, death, life, war, struggle, warrior’s path’, at the same time disdainfully state: ‘We are neither an Oi-band nor participants in the skinhead underground who are engaged in politics directly!’106 Both radical right-wing political parties and racist/neo-Nazi groupuscules also seem contemptuous of ‘spiritual revivalists’, who would most likely refuse to play at campaigning concerts or to call for getting rid of ‘racial enemies’.

The question, however, remains as to whether apoliteic bands can function as instruments for popularizing and promoting genuine fascist ideas, the adoption of which can eventually lead their listeners to contribute to the political cause, even if such bands—perhaps honestly—do not mean to. The answer, beyond any doubt, is ‘yes’. Music is a powerful instrument of (mis)education: the idealization of fascism, while over-emphasizing its ‘values’ and deliberately concealing (and even normalizing) its crimes and genocidal practices throughout the interwar period and the Second World War, effectively contributes to a misreading of modern history, especially by conscientious fans. We can only conjecture as to whether an individual will be satisfied with just ‘drifting in dreams of other lives and greater times’ or will eventually become involved in attempts at the practical implementation of those ‘dreams’.

Censoring or banning apoliteic music, however, is undesirable in a democratic society as well as ultimately impossible. ‘Metapolitical fascists’ are keen on using cryptic language and codified symbolic metaphors. On what grounds could one ban artists for using the words like ‘apoliteia’, ‘Waldgang’, ‘interregnum’ or ‘palingenesis’? Or pictures of runes/ruins? The sounds of ‘the orchestra of a great battle’? Eurocentric imagery? On the other hand, how effective are civil society protests or boycotts? Apparently these activities only make martyrs of apoliteic artists and strengthen—if only in the eyes of their fans—their image as righteous fighters for an ‘organic Europe’.

In the context of this problem, which itself requires its own discussion, it may be interesting and informative to learn the opinion of Eric Roger of the popular French band Gaë Bolg, which is seen as part of the Neo-Folk/Martial Industrial scene, but cannot be considered apoliteic.


Most of the promoters in the [Neo-Folk/Martial Industrial] scene have organized, or continue to organize, concerts of the right-wing bands. Some of these promoters are ‘dodgy’, while the others are completely ‘clean’, they’re just interested in music and don’t care about political issues. How is it possible to distinguish between ‘clean’ people (oh, I hate the word ‘clean’, it has a bad smell of witch-hunting!) and the ‘unclean’, if you don’t know people personally? Or should we refuse all the concerts organized by people who have ever organised ‘bad’ concerts in their life?

If we (I mean the bands who are against the right-wing ideology) categorically refuse to play at the festivals that feature right-wing bands, don’t we give them more space? In this case, our withdrawal would only help them propagate their ideology, isn’t it nonsense? Isn’t it better to stay in order to affirm our opposition? But if I say that, isn’t it somewhat hypocritical? Isn’t it a sort of compromising? Isn’t it an excuse we find to accept our ‘tolerance’, the same tolerance we loudly condemn in other cases?

At the same time, I really and deeply think that it’s important that we stay and that we don’t leave an empty place to the right-wingers.107


I would like to thank the musicians Ivan Napreenko and Eric Roger, who advised me and commented on a draft of this article. I am also grateful to the anonymous reviewers, as well as to Anna Melyantsev and Vickie Hudson, who were kind enough to proofread. Mistakes, however, are solely my own.


1 Translated and quoted in Britta Sweers, ‘The power to influence minds: German folk music during the Nazi era and after’, in Annie Janeiro Randall (ed.), Music, Power, and Politics (New York: Routledge 2005), 65-86 (68).
2 Folkstorm, Victory or Death (Northampton: Cold Spring Records 2000). The name of the band is a translation of the German Volkssturm, which was the name of the Nazi militia founded by Adolf Hitler in October 1944.
3 The Reichsadler (imperial eagle) is a German national insignia. In 1933 the Nazis introduced the image of an eagle atop an oak wreath with a swastika at its centre.
4 Totenkopf, ‘Can’t Be Beaten’, on Various Artists, White Pride World Wide III (Stockholm: Nordland Records 1996).
5 ’White Noise’ is the term that has been used for neo-Nazi rock music since the early 1980s. This type of music is explicitly designed to inspire racially or politically motivated violence.
6 Death in June, Rose Clouds of Holocaust (London: New European Recordings 1995). The BPjM found that the title song from the album cast doubt on the occurrence of the Holocaust. The lyrics in question are as follows: ‘Rose clouds of Holocaust/ Rose clouds of lies/ Rose clouds of bitter/ Bitter, bitter lies’. Although in his explanatory memorandum Douglas Pearce, the man behind Death in June, stated that he ‘[did] not deny the existence of The Holocaust’, the record was banned: posted on the Death in June website, 14 February 2006, at (viewed 8 August 2009).
7 After Stuart’s death in a car crash in 1993, the network was taken over by Combat 18, a neo-Nazi paramilitary group. See Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke, Black Sun: Aryan Cults, Esoteric Nazism, and the Politics of Identity (New York: New York University Press 2002), 195.
8 It is important to note that Oi! was originally associated with working-class left-wing populism, but later was taken up by ideologically diverse bands, ranging from anti-fascist and radical left-wing to fascist and racist ones.9 See Nick Lowles and Steve Silver (eds), White Noise: Inside the International Nazi Skinhead Scene (London: Searchlight 1998); John M. Cotter, ‘Sounds of hate: White Power rock and roll and the neo-Nazi skinhead subculture’, Terrorism and Political Violence, vol. 11, no. 2, 1999, 111-40. Due to the similarity in form and content, the term ‘White Noise’ is synonymous with the term ‘White Power’ and they are generally used interchangeably. See also Goodrick-Clarke, Black Sun, ch. 10 (‘White Noise and Black Metal’), 193-212; Robert Futrell, Pete Simi and Simon Gottschalk, ‘Understanding music in movements: the White Power music scene’, Sociological Quarterly, vol. 47, no. 2, 2006, 275-304; and Ugo Corte and Bob Edwards, ‘White Power music and the mobilization of racist social movements’, Music and Arts in Action (online journal), vol. 1, no. 1, 2008, 4-20, at (viewed 8 August 2009).
10 ’88’ stands for ‘Heil Hitler’, as ‘H’ is the eighth letter in the Latin alphabet, ‘NS’ is an acronym for National Socialism, and ‘RaHoWa’ stands for ‘racial holy war’.
11 On NSBM, see Goodrick-Clarke, Black Sun, 193-212; Justin Massa, ‘Unholy alliance: the National Socialist Black Metal underground’, in Devin Burghart (ed.),Soundtracks to the White Revolution: White Supremacist Assaults on Youth Subcultures (Chicago: Center for New Community 1999), 49-64; and Keith Kahn-Harris,Extreme Metal: Music and Culture on the Edge (Oxford and New York: Berg 2007).
12 On Right-Wing Rock in German, see Christian Dornbusch and Jan Raabe, RechtsRock: Bestandsaufnahme und Gegenstrategien (Münster: Unrast 2002); Mahmut Kural,Rechtsrock—Einstiegsdroge in rechtsextremes Gedankengut? (Saarbrücken: VDM Verlag 2007); Bundesministerium des Innern (ed.), Verfassungsschutzbericht 2006(Berlin: Bundesministerium des Innern 2007); and Georg Brunner, ‘Rezeption und Wirkung von Rechtsrock’, in BPjM Aktuell, no. 1, 2007, 3-18.
13 See Michael Wade, ‘Johnny Rebel and the Cajun roots of Right-Wing Rock’, Popular Music and Society, vol. 30, no. 4, 2007, 493-512; Thomas Irmer, ‘Out with the right! Or, let’s not let them in again’, trans. from the German by Claudia Wilsch, Theater, vol. 32, no. 3, 2002, 61-7; and Walter Laqueur, Fascism: Past, Present, Future(New York: Oxford University Press 1996), 134.
14 BPjM, ‘Jugendgefährdung: Lesemedien & Hörmedien’, Bundesprüfstelle für jugendgefährdende Medien, available on the BPjM website at (viewed 8 August 2009). Translations, unless otherwise stated, are by the author.
15 Ibid.
16 There is a distinction in German law between extremism and radicalism. Criticism of capitalism, and fundamental doubts about the structure of Germany’s economic and social order are perceived as radical but not extremist. In its turn, extremism is identified as an attempt to undermine the foundations of the German Basic Law, namely, the liberal democratic order. While extremism—whether right-wing or left-wing—is unlawful in Germany, radical political beliefs have a legitimate place in Germany’s pluralistic society. See Heinz Fromm (ed.), Aufgaben, Befugnisse, Grenzen (Cologne: Bundesamt für Verfassungsschutz, Presse- und Öffentlichkeitsarbeit 2002), 25. The distinction between extremism and radicalism can help explain why the BPjM ‘extremizes’ Rechtsrock.
17 See Roger Griffin (ed.), International Fascism: Theories, Causes and the New Consensus (London: Arnold 1998).
18 Roger Griffin, Modernism and Fascism: The Sense of a Beginning under Mussolini and Hitler (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan 2007), 181.
19 Roger Griffin, ‘Grey cats, blue cows, and wide awake groundhogs: notes towards the development of a “deliberative ethos”‘, in Roger Griffin, Werner Loh and Andreas Umland (eds), Fascism Past and Present, West and East: An International Debate on Concepts and Cases in the Comparative Study of the Extreme Right (Stuttgart and Hanover: ibidem 2006), 428.
20 Emilio Gentile, ‘Fascism, totalitarianism and political religion: definitions and critical reflections on criticism of an interpretation’, Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions, vol. 5, no. 3, 2004, 326-75 (338-9). On no account is this an attempt to normalize fascism—whether as a regime or just a movement—or downplay the atrocities committed by fascists in their mission to renew ‘the organic national community’. The inhuman terror unleashed by fascism is straightforwardly depicted in—among others—the 1985 Soviet film Idi i smotri (Come and See), which I urge concerned readers to see.
21 Roger Griffin, ‘From slime mould to rhizome: an introduction to the groupuscular right’, Patterns of Prejudice, vol. 37, no. 1, 2003, 38.
22 Roger Griffin, ‘From slime mould to rhizome: an introduction to the groupuscular right’, Patterns of Prejudice, vol. 37, no. 1, 2003, 38.
23 Armin Mohler, Die konservative Revolution in Deutschland 1918-1932: Grundriss ihrer Weltanschauungen (Stuttgart: F. Vorwerk 1950).
24 Julius Evola, Cavalcare la tigre (Milan: All’insegna del pesce d’oro 1961). All references here are to a later edition: Julius Evola, Cavalcare la tigre: orientamenti esistenziali per un’epoca della dissoluzione (Rome: Edizioni Mediterranee 2004).
25 Evola, Cavalcare la tigre, 150-2. The source of the phrase ‘aristocrat of the soul’ 2003 is the English translation, which also translates l’uomo differenziato literally as ‘the differentiated man’: Julius Evola, Ride the Tiger: A Survival Manual for the Aristocrats of the Soul, trans. from the Italian by Joscelyn Godwin and Constance Fontana (Rochester, VT: Inner Traditions 2003).
26 See Roger Griffin, ‘Between metapolitics and apoliteia: the Nouvelle Droite’s strategy for conserving the fascist vision in the “interregnum”‘, Modern & Contemporary France, vol. 8, no. 1, 2000, 35-53.
27 On the ENR, see Tamir Bar-On, Where Have All the Fascists Gone? (Aldershot, Hampshire: Ashgate 2007); Alberto Spektorowski, ‘The New Right: ethno-regionalism, ethno-pluralism and the emergence of a neo-fascist “Third Way”‘, Journal of Political Ideologies, vol. 8, no. 1, 2003, 111-30; Roger Griffin, ‘Interregnum or endgame? The radical right in the “post-fascist” era’, Journal of Political Ideologies, vol. 5, no. 2, 2000, 163-78; and Griffin, ‘Between metapolitics and apoliteia’.
28 Spektorowski, ‘The New Right’, 120.
29 Ralph D. Grillo, ‘Cultural essentialism and cultural anxiety’, Anthropological Theory, vol. 3, no. 2, 2003, 157-73 (163).
30 On this new (cultural) racism, see first and foremost Pierre-André Taguieff, ‘The new cultural racism in France’, Telos, no. 83, 1990, 109-22; Pierre-André Taguieff, ‘From race to culture: the New Right’s view of European identity’, Telos, no. 98-9, 1993-4, 99-125; Etienne Balibar, ‘Is there a “new racism”?’, in Etienne Balibar and Immanuel Wallerstein, Race, Nation, Class: Ambiguous Identities (London and New York: Verso 1991), 17-28.
31 Roger Griffin, ‘Fascism’s new faces (and new facelessness) in the “post-fascist” epoch’, in Griffin, Loh and Umland (eds), Fascism Past and Present, 51.
32 One should distinguish between common fans who appreciate the actual musical side of the art under scrutiny, while rejecting or simply ignoring its ideological message (if any), and conscientious fans who are drawn both by the art and its ideological message, enthusiastically embraced.
33 Ernst Jünger, Der Waldgang (Frankfurt on Main: Klostermann 1951). References here are to the abridged English translation: Ernst Jünger, ‘Retreat into the forest’,Confluence, vol. 3, no. 2, 1954, 127-42 (Confluence was edited in 1954 by its founder Henry Kissinger).
34 Evola was an admirer of Jünger, and his reflections on the latter’s Der Arbeiter were published as Julius Evola, L’ ‘Operaio’ nel pensiero di Ernst Jünger (Rome: Armando Armando Editore 1960). It is debatable whether Evola’s speculations on apoliteia were actually inspired by Jünger’s Der Waldgang, but the Italian baron was known for apparently hijacking (plagiarizing?) the ideas of other authors. For example, Evola’s 1928 work Imperialismo pagano drew heavily on Reghini’s 1914 essay of the same name: Arturo Reghini, ‘Imperialismo pagano’, Salamandra, no. 14, 1914. A year after Evola had published his Imperialismo pagano, he accused Reghini of being a member of a Masonic lodge (Mussolini dissolved and banned Freemasonry in Italy in 1925), and tried to sue him on those grounds.
35 Jünger experienced war firsthand: during the First World War he served in the Imperial German army and returned from the battlefield decorated with the Iron Cross First Class and the Pour le Mérite, which was the highest military order of the German empire.
36 Griffin, Modernism and Fascism, 165.
37 Jünger, ‘Retreat into the forest’, 129. For Griffin’s extensive use of the metaphor of the Titanic to evoke the modernist sense of a ‘new beginning’ or Aufbruch in history, see his introduction to Modernism and Fascism.
38 Jünger, ‘Retreat into the forest’, 141.
39 Jünger, ‘Retreat into the forest’, 135. Here one may want to consider the possible influence of Martin Heidegger, Holzwege (Woodpaths) (Frankfurt on Main: Klostermann 1950) on the development of Jünger’s concept of the Waldgang. On Heidegger, in the context of the current study, see Matthew Feldman, ‘Between Geist andZeitgeist: Martin Heidegger as ideologue of “metapolitical fascism”‘, Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions, vol. 6, no. 2, 2005, 175-98.
40 Ibid., 132 (emphasis in the original). This vision of redemptive myth resurfacing in a moment of danger is reminiscent of Walter Benjamin’s statement in his ‘Theses on the philosophy of history. VI’ (unpublished when Jünger was writing) that the truly and, hence, redemptive historical engagement with reality means to ‘seize hold of a memory as it flashes up at a moment of danger’: Walter Benjamin, ‘Theses on the philosophy of history’, in Walter Benjamin, Illuminations, ed. Hannah Arendt, trans. from the German by Harry Zohn (London: Fontana 1992), 247.
41 Jünger, ‘Retreat into the forest’, 132 (emphasis in the original).
42 Again, it should be stressed that I neither equate apoliteic music with Neo-Folk and Martial Industrial nor identify them as ‘fascist genres’. ‘Metapolitical fascism’ and the two genres, as musical styles, do overlap—to a lesser extent in the case of Neo-Folk—but Neo-Folk/Martial Industrial artists can create non-apoliteic art, while ‘metapolitical fascists’ can find other musical means to communicate their message.
43 Evola, Cavalcare la tigre, 139.
44 Peter Webb, Exploring the Networked Worlds of Popular MusicMilieu Cultures (London and New York: Routledge 2007), 60; Stéphane François, La Musique europaïenneethnographie politique d’une subculture de droite (Paris: Harmattan 2006).
45 The history of Industrial music is well described in three non-academic books: Simon Ford, Wreckers of CivilisationThe Story of Coum Transmissions & Throbbing Gristle (London: Black Dog 1999); Vivian Vale and Andrea Juno (eds), Re/Search #6/7Industrial Culture Handbook (San Francisco: V/Search 1983); and David Keenan,England’s Hidden ReverseCoil, Current 93, Nurse with WoundA Secret History of the Esoteric Underground (London: SAF Publishing 2003). For a scholarly view of the history of Industrial music, see Karen E. Collins, ‘“The Future Is Happening Already”: Industrial Music, Dystopia and the Aesthetic of the Machine’, Ph.D. thesis, University of Liverpool, 2002; and Paul Hegarty, Noise/MusicA History (New York: Continuum 2007).
46 Collins, ‘“The Future Is Happening Already”‘, 9.
47 Luigi Russolo, The Art of Noise (Futurist Manifesto, 1913), trans. from the Italian by Robert Filliou (New York: Ubu Classics 2004), 7. L’Art des bruits was written in the form of a letter to ‘Balilla Pratella, great futurist musician’.
48 The ideological correlation between Futurism and Fascism is the subject of a thorough analysis in Griffin, Modernism and Fascism.
49 Britta Sweers, Electric FolkThe Changing Face of English Traditional Music (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press 2005), 25.
50 Kirsten Kearney, ‘Constructing the Nation: The Role of the Ballad in Twentieth Century German National Identity with Special Reference to Scotland’, Ph.D. thesis, University of Stirling, 2007, 194. On the use of German folk music by the Nazis, see also Sweers, ‘The power to influence minds’.
51 See Richard Sykes, ‘The evolution of Englishness in the English folksong revival, 1890-1914’, Folk Music Journal, vol. 6, no. 4, 1993, 446-90; and Georgina Boyes, The Imagined VillageCulture, Ideology, and the English Folk Revival (Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press 1993).
52 Sweers, ‘The power to influence minds’, 67.
53 Kearney, ‘Constructing the Nation’, 140.
54 Benjamin Thorn, ‘Francesco Balilla Pratella (1880-1955)’, in Larry Sitsky (ed.), Music of the Twentieth-century Avant-gardeA Biocritical Sourcebook (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press 2002), 380.
55 See Kevin Wilson and Jan van der Dussen (eds), The History of the Idea of Europe (London and New York: Routledge 1995); and Peter H. Gommers, EuropeWhat’s in a Name (Leuven: Leuven University Press 2001).
56 On the Eurofascists’ idea of Europe, see Roger Griffin, ‘“Europe for the Europeans”: fascist myths of the European new order 1922-1992’, in Roger Griffin, A Fascist CenturyEssays by Roger Griffin, ed. Matthew Feldman (Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave Macmillan 2008), 132-80.
57 Malahki Thorn, ‘H.E.R.R. interview: hopes die in winter’, Heathen Harvest (webzine), 4 March 2005, at (viewed 12 August 2009). On Troy Southgate, see Graham D. Macklin, ‘Co-opting the counter culture: Troy Southgate and the National Revolutionary Faction’, Patterns of Prejudice, vol. 39, no. 3, 2005, 301-26. Southgate frequently contributes vocals and/or lyrics to various apoliteic bands, including Seelenlicht, Horologium, The Days of the Trumpet Call and Sagittarius.
58 Death in June, ‘Sons of Europe’, on Burial (London: Leprosy Discs 1984).
59 Stéphane François, ‘The Euro-Pagan scene: between paganism and radical right’, trans. from the French by Ariel Godwin, Journal for the Study of Radicalism, vol. 1, no. 2, 2007, 35-54 (48). Actually, my concept of apoliteic music is very close to François’s ‘Euro-Pagan’ music, characterized by ‘praise of an ethnic European paganism, often marked by conservative revolutionary ideas’ (37). I don’t use François’s term (even inevitably redefined) in this article because not all apoliteic musicians and bands are adherents of heathen cults. Some have declared themselves to be Christians, while others are followers of the esoteric teaching of ‘integral Traditionalism’ or atheists. However, the musical acts mentioned in both articles coincide to a considerable degree.
60 Malahki Thorn, ‘Von Thronstahl interview: the search for truth’, Heathen Harvest (webzine), 7 December 2005, at (viewed 12 August 2009).
61 Malahki Thorn, ‘Wolfsblood interview: spiritual death’, Heathen Harvest (webzine), 15 February 2005, at (viewed 12 August 2009).
62 Anton Shekhovtsov, ‘Aleksandr Dugin’s neo-Eurasianism: the New Right à la Russe’, Religion Compass (online journal), vol. 3, no. 4, 2009, 696-716, at (viewed 1 September 2009); Anton Shekhovtsov, ‘The palingenetic thrust of Russian neo-Eurasianism: ideas of rebirth in Aleksandr Dugin’s worldview’, Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions, vol. 9, no. 4, 2008, 491-506; Andreas Umland, ‘Der “Neoeurasismus” des Aleksandr Dugin. Zur Rolle des integralen Traditionalismus und der Orthodoxie für die russische “Neue Rechte”‘, in Margarete Jäger and Jürgen Link (eds), Macht—Religion—Politik: Zur Renaissance religiöser Praktiken und Mentalitäten (Münster: Unrast 2006), 141-57.
63 See United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (New York: United Nations 2008), 1-2, available on the UN website at (viewed 12 August 2009).
64 Balibar, ‘Is there a “new racism”?’, 22.
65 ’Toroidh—Europe Is Dead’, Compulsion Online, n.d., at (viewed 12 August 2009).
66 See Griffin, ‘“Europe for the Europeans”‘.
67 Darkwood, In the Fields (Dresden: Heidenvolk 1999).
68 Darkwood, Heimat & Jugend (Dresden: Heidenvolk 2000).
69 Darkwood, Flammende Welt (Dresden: Heidenvolk 2001).
70 Julius Evola, Gli uomini e le rovine (Roma: Edizioni dell’Ascia 1953).
71 ’Darkwood—interview with Henryk Vogel’, Heimdallr (webzine), January 2002, at (viewed 12 August 2009).
72 Malahki Thorn, ‘Darkwood interview: the dusk draws near’, Heathen Harvest (webzine), 22 December 2005, at (viewed 12 August 2009) (emphasis added).
73 Miguel Do Vale, ‘An interview with Ian Read’, Heimdallr (webzine), November 2001, at (viewed 12 August 2009) (emphasis added).
74 Sol Invictus, ‘Looking for Europe’, on Trees in Winter (London: Tursa 1990).
75 Sagittarius, Die Große Marina (Wittenberg: Neo-Form 2005).
76 Lady Morphia, Recitals to Renewal (Little Walden, Essex: Surgery 2000).
77 Various Artists, Der Waldgänger (Hanover: Thaglasz 2001).
78 Thorn, ‘Von Thronstahl interview’.
79 Von Thronstahl/The Days of the Trumpet Call, Pessoa/Cioran (Sintra: Terra Fria 2004). The Days of the Trumpet Call is a side project of Von Thronstahl member Raymond Plummer.
80 Darlene J. Sadlier, An Introduction to Fernando Pessoa: Modernism and the Paradoxes of Authorship (Gainesville: University Press of Florida 1998), 46.
81 Ibid., 151. See also José Barreto, ‘Salazar and the New State in the writings of Fernando Pessoa’, Portuguese Studies, vol. 24, no. 2, 2008, 168-214; and Jim Hicks, ‘The fascist imaginary in Pessoa and Pirandello’, Centennial Review, vol. 42, no. 2, 1998, 309-32.
82 Marta Petreu, An Infamous Past: E. M. Cioran and the Rise of Fascism in Romania (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee 2005). It should be noted, however, that Cioran later repented his fascist past.
83 Various Artists, Codreanu: Eine Erinnerung an den Kampf (Andria, Puglia: Oktagön 2001).
84 Various Artists, Cavalcare la Tigre (Dresden: Eis und Licht 1998).
85 Various Artists, Riefenstahl (Duisberg: Verlag und Agentur Werner Symanek 1996). Verlag und Agentur Werner Symanek (VAWS) is also a publishing house known for producing radical right-wing and ‘historical’ (revisionist) books.
86 Various Artists, Breker (Duisberg: Verlag und Agentur Werner Symanek 2002). Arno Breker was a German sculptor who, according to Alfred Rosenberg, realized in his work the ‘mighty momentum and will power’ (Wucht und Willenhaftigkeit) of the new era. See Caroline Fetscher, ‘Why mention Arno Breker today? The work of the Nazi sculptor is on exhibit’, The Atlantic Times, August 2006, available online at (viewed 13 August 2009).
87 Various Artists, Wir Rufen deine Wölfe (St Koloman, Austria: Ahnstern 2007). Friedrich Hielscher was a German poet and philosopher who formulated a mystical concept of the German nation in Das Reich (1931). Although he sympathized with the Nazis in the 1920s, he moved to an explicitly anti-Nazi (though not anti-fascist) position prior to Hitler’s ‘seizure of power’.
88 Death in June, ‘Runes and Men’, on Brown Book (London: New European Recordings 1987).
89 Belborn, ‘Phoenix’, on Seelenruhe/Phoenix (London: World Serpent 2000). The English translation is by Belborn.
90 ’New heroic times ask for new heroic models’ (interview with Holger Fiala of Belborn), Letters from the Nuovo Europae, October 2000, previously on the Belborn website at (no longer available).
91 Quoted on Seelenlicht, Gods and Devils (Northampton: Cold Spring 2008).
92 Howard Williams, ‘Metamorphosis or palingenesis? Political change in Kant’, Review of Politics, vol. 63, no. 4, 2001, 693- 722 (700).
93 Luftwaffe, ‘Kalki’s Army’, on Trephanus Uhr (Chicago: Lupine Arts 2004).
94 Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke, Hitler’s Priestess: Savitri Devi, the Hindu-Aryan Myth, and Neo-Nazism (New York: New York University Press 1998), 124-5.
95 Savitri Devi, The Lightning and the Sun (Buffalo, NY: Samisdat 1958), 18-19. The extended passage is cited on the cover of Turbund Sturmwerk, Turbund Sturmwerk(Leipzig: Loki Foundation 2003).
96 ’Darkwood: patria e libertà’, Darkroom Magazine (webzine), 19 April 2008, at (viewed 13 August 2009).
97 ’Strength through Joy’ in German is ‘Kraft durch Freude’, the name of the Nazis’ state-controlled leisure organization. See Shelley Baranowski, Strength through Joy: Consumerism and Mass Tourism in the Third Reich (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press 2004).
98 Malahki Thorn, ‘Arditi—spirit of sacrifice’, Heathen Harvest (webzine), 27 April 2005, at (viewed 13 August 2009).
99 H.E.R.R., ‘A New Rome’, on The Winter of Constantinople (Northampton: Cold Spring 2005).
100 Quoted in Klaus Farin, Die Gothics: Interviews, Fotografien (Bad Tölz: Tilsner 2001), 15.
101 See interviews with de Benoist and Bouchet in François, La Musique europaïenne.
102 For Arcto Promo, see its website at (viewed 14 August 2009).
103 For Synthesis, see its website at (viewed 14 August 2009).
104 Thorn, ‘H.E.R.R. interview’.
105 Tony Wakeford, ‘A message from Tony’, 14 February 2007, available on the Tursa website at (viewed 14 August 2009). Nowhere, however, does Wakeford repudiate his homage to Evola (the titles of two Sol Invictus songs, namely ‘Against the Modern World’ and ‘Amongst the Ruins’, directly allude to Evola’s works Rivolta contro il mondo moderno and Gli uomini e le rovine), or explain why his ongoing musical project L’Orchestre Noir was named after the 1985 documentary film on the Belgian paramilitary extreme right-wing groups Vlaamse Militanten Orde (Flemish Militant Order) and Front de la Jeunesse (Youth Front). See also Stewart Home, ‘Danger! Neo-Folk “musician” Tony Wakeford of Sol Invictus is still a fascist creep!’, 28 July 2008, available online at (viewed 14 August 2009).
106 ’Intervyu s Ritual Front’, Mashinnoe otdelenie (webzine), Summer 2003, at (viewed 14 August 2009).
107 This extract is a small part of an interview that I conducted with Eric Roger via e-mail, 26-31 March 2009.